MAJOR LIFE EVENT PERSPECTIVE IN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS: CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISONS BETWEEN MONGOLIA AND JAPAN

Regarding “economic independence,” the ANOVA revealed significant main effects for country, as well as significant interactions for country × generation and gender × generation [F (1, 1326) = 219.95, p < .001; F (1, 1326) = 16.09, p < .001; F (1, 1326) = 7.41, p = .007, respectively]. Given the significant interactions between country × generation and gender × generation, a simple main effects test showed that only Mongolians exhibited generation differences [F (1, 1326) = 14.39, p < .001]. Generation differences were found in both 2011 and 2018 [F (1, 1326) = 67.72, p < .001; F (1, 1326) = 156.31, p < .001]. For the gender × generation interaction, women showed generation differences [F (1, 1326) = 12.49, p < .001], and gender differences were found only in 2011 [F (1, 1326) = 4.38, p = .037]. In 2018, the average ages for economic independence decreased for both Mongolian men and women. In Japan, however, the average age increased for men but decreased for women. The difference between the two countries can be attributed to the fact that the age of adulthood is 18 in Mongolia and 20 in Japan. In both countries, the concept of becoming economically independent approximately two years after reaching adulthood is consistent. The social system significantly impacts the attitudes of young adults. One commonality between Japan and Mongolia is that the age of independence is lower for women than for men.

In the context of “employment,” the main effects of gender, generation, and the interaction of gender × generation were significant [F (1, 1323) = 9.91, p = .002; F (1, 1323) = 10.37, p = .001; F (1, 1323) = 5.99, p = .015, respectively]. A simple main effects test showed that only men exhibited generational differences [F (1, 1323) = 12.27, p < .001]. Gender differences were found only in 2018 [F (1, 1323) = 13.81, p < .001]. These results suggest that business economic trends have slightly slowed in recent years, as 2018’s men had slightly higher employment rates compared to 2011.

Regarding the item of “becoming a professional,” there are only main effects of country and gender were significant [F (1, 1325) = 9.41, p = .002; F (1, 1325) = 4.08, p = .043, respectively]. The number of years required to become a professional in Mongolia is relatively short, but the variability is large. In 2018, the number of years increased, along with individual differences. This may be due to changes in economic conditions and the education system. The number of years required to become a professional in Japan has remained stable, with no significant variation from 2011 to 2018. The small variation indicates that the Japanese social system is consistent.

In the context of "marriage," the main effects of country, gender, generation, and the country × gender interaction were significant [F (1, 1299) = 239.71, p < .001; F (1, 1299) = 14.43, p < .001; F (1, 1299) = 9.05, p = .003; F (1, 1299) = 7.04, p = .008, respectively]. A simple main effects test showed that both men and women had significant country differences [F (1, 1299) = 127.39, p < .001; F (1, 1299) = 116.06, p < .001, respectively]. Gender differences were found only in Japan [F (1, 1299) = 21.07, p < .001]. These results indicate that Mongolians marry at an average age of 25.09 (sd: 2.97), about three years earlier than Japanese, who marry at an average age of 28.29 (sd: 3.92). Additionally, Japanese women marry about one year earlier than Japanese men. Mongolians generally tend to marry at younger ages, but recently the age of marriage has been increasing, and the variation among individuals is also rising. This may be due to changing economic conditions and social values.

With regard to “first child”, the main effects of country, gender, generation, and the interaction of country × gender and country x generation were significant [F (1, 1283) = 293.57, p = .000; F (1, 1283) = 32.10, p = .000; F (1, 1283) = 17.61, p = .000; F (1, 1283) = 12.91, p = .010; F (1, 1283) = 5.96, p = .015,

respectively]. Country x gender’s simple main effect test showed that men and women both had country differences [F (1, 1283) = 166.90, p = .000; F (1, 1283) = 128.59, p = .000, respectively]. Gender differences was found only in Japan [F (1, 1283) = 42.94, p = .000]. Country x generation’s simple main effect test showed that only Mongolians had generation differences [F (1, 1283) = 21.99, p = .000]. Country differences was found both of 2011 and 2018 [F (1, 1283) = 223.99, p = .000; F (1, 1283) =94.30, p = .000, respectively]. These results showed that Mongolians age has increase higher for recent years, and Japanese women about 2 years lower than Japanese men. The average age at first childbirth in Mongolia was 26.09 years (sd: 2.98), while in Japan it was 29.63 years (sd: 3.87), a difference of about 3.54 years. Additionally, students in 2018 in Mongolia showed increased variability compared to students in 2011, leading to differences in individual attitudes. This may be due to changes in social values and the tendency to pursue careers and seek financial stability.

In the "number of children," only the main effect of country was significant [F (1, 1304) = 141.67, p = .000]. Mongolians wants three children against Japanese wants two children. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is an indicator of the average number of children a woman will have during her lifetime.  Normally, a TFR of around 2.1 is considered sufficient to maintain the population (The World

Factbook, CIA). In Mongolia, the TFR decreased   from 6 in the 1950s to 3 in the 1990s and further dropped to 2.8 in 2021, still above the population maintenance level. In contrast, Japan had a TFR of over 5 during the postwar baby boom period, but this number dropped to 1.57 in the 1990s, causing a social phenomenon known as the “1.57 shock” (Kachi, D., (2009)), and declined further to 1.4 in 2021. Various economic, social, cultural, and policy factors are thought to have contributed to this decline.

With regard to “stop changing jobs,” main effects of country, gender and generation were significant [F (1, 1305) = 425.18, p = .000; F (1, 1305) = 17.73, p = .000; F (1, 1305) = 21.55, p = .000, respectively]. Mongolians typically stop changing jobs at the age of 30.81 years (sd: 7.18), which is about 10 years earlier than in Japan, where the average age is 40.71 years (sd: 9.43), also with a wide variation. In 2018, students in both countries showed an upward trend in this age, with some interindividual variation. The so-called generation Z, growing up in the recent digital age, has shown an increase in both countries despite their different cultural backgrounds.

Regarding the item of “appreciated position” ANOVA showed that the main effect of the country and generation, and the a second-order interaction that

country × gender × generation were also significant [F (1, 1306) = 66.10, p = .000; F (1, 1306) = 10.08, p 

= .002; F (1, 1306) = 7.32, p = .007, respectively]. The average age at which appreciated positions were average age at which appreciated positions were evaluated in Mongolia was 32.47 years old (sd:

9.23), while in Japan it was 37.62 years old (sd: 7.98). Mongolians seem to want to reach a position 5.15 years earlier than the Japanese. In 2011, the

average age at which Mongolians wanted to reach a position was 30.96, but seven years later, in 2018, this age had increased to 33.98, suggesting possible changes in career dynamics or socioeconomic conditions. On the other hand, Japanese individuals show more consistent expectations over time, with a higher overall age for reaching desired positions.

With regard to “leisure”, the main effect of country, gender, generation, and the interaction of country × generation were significant [F (1, 1309) = 174.87, p = .000; F (1, 1309) = 9.82, p = .002; F (1, 1309) = 23.87, p = .000; F (1, 1309) = 4.72, p = .030, respectively]. A simple main effect test showed that only Japan had generation differences [F (1, 1309) = 25.52, p = .000]. Country differences were found in 2011 and 2018 [F (1, 1309) = 70.43, p = .000; F (1, 1309) =104.62, p = .000, respectively].

The average age in Mongolia was 31.50 years (sd: 11.64), while in Japan it was 42.54 years (sd: 16.44), a difference of 11 years between the countries. In both countries, women tend to reach this age about one year earlier than men, and the average age was higher in 2018 than in 2011 (about 2.3 years in Mongolia and 5.9 years in Japan). Does this mean that even young adults today take longer to integrate into society? Is the complexity of today's globalized, digitalized society slowing down human processing capacity?

In the "providing for old age," only the main effect of generation was significant [F (1, 1310) = 6.25, p = .013]. 2018’s both country to be a little higher than 2011.

The average age in Mongolia was 47.84 (sd: 11.66), and the average age in Japan was 47.58 (sd: 11.90), indicating that people in both countries began preparing for old age at about the same time. In Mongolia, women began preparing for old age approximately one year later than men, reflecting the career-oriented nature of women's social advancement.

With regard to “prime of life of men” for beginning, main effect of country, and the interaction of country × generation were significant [F (1, 1315) = 41.61, p = .000; F (1, 1315) = 6.20, p = .013, respectively]. A simple main effect test showed that the only Mongolia had generation difference [F (1, 1315) = 4.68, p = .031]. Country difference in both of 2011 and 2018 [F (1, 1315) = 46.15, p = .000; F (1, 1315) = 6.91, p = .009, respectively]. In the “prime of life of men” for end, only the main effect of gender was significant [F (1, 1316) = 9.91, p = .002]. The average age at the start of the prime of life in Mongolia was 21.85 (sd: 4.90) and the average age at the end was 46.71 years old (sd: 9.86), while the average age at the start of life in Japan was 23.16 (sd: 4.22) and the average age at the end was 45.89 years old (sd: 13.58). The starting age at the beginning of working life showed less variation in both countries, while the ending age showed more variation. These differences tend to reflect variations in individual ability and physical condition. Also, Mongolian women expect men to work 1.77 years longer than they do, and Japanese women expect men to work 2.84 years longer than they do.

With regard to “prime of life of women” for beginning, main effect of country, the interaction of country × generation and gender × generation were significant [F (1, 1317) = 33.31, p = .000; F (1, 1317) = 4.00, p = .046; F (1,1317) = 6.10, p = .014, respectively]. Country x generation’s simple main effect test showed that only Mongolia had generation differences [F (1, 1317) = 4.25, p = .039]. Country differences was found in both 2011 and 2018 [F (1, 1317) = 34.98, p = .000; F (1, 1317) = 6.26, p = .012, respectively]. That is, Mongolian 2011 had 1.66 years earlier than 2018 Mongolians. Gender x generation’s simple main effect test showed that only men had generation differences [F (1, 1317) = 4.49, p = .034]. Gender differences were only found in 2018 [F (1, 1317) = 5.70, p = .017]. In 2011, the age of Mongolians was about 1.7 years earlier than that of Japanese, but in 2018 the age of Mongolians is similar to that of Japanese. In the “prime of life of women” for end, only the main effect of country was significant [F (1, 1318) = 10.90, p = .001]. The Mongolian view of the working age for women tended to start at 22.58 (sd: 3.51) and end at 45.87 years old (sd: 8.91). The results suggest that Mongolian social wants for women to work for a long time as long as men. In Japan, the working age for women started at 23.29 (sd: 3.50) and ended at 41.94 years old (sd: 10.38). A common feature was an upward trend in both countries for students in 2018 compared to students in 2011. This indicates a current trend toward women's career orientation and the increased value placed on diversity in society.

Conclusion

Our findings highlight the significant impact of cultural background, economic conditions, and gender roles on young people's life trajectories, such as psychological and economic independence, marriage age, career, and preparation for old age. It supports social expectation framework such as "social clock theory" by Marini, M.M. (1984). These differences can be mainly explained by social changes, such as the transition from the socialist era to democracy in Mongolia.

Cultural Background and Family Structure: Mongolian students tend to face traditional expectations that lead to early independence and family responsibilities. Japanese students, influenced by a culture that emphasizes extended education and career preparation, experience delayed independence. These cultural norms shape the experiences and expectations of young people in each country and influence their readiness for major life events.

Economic Conditions and Social Systems: Japan’s stable economic environment and comprehensive education system have been shown to encourage young people to invest more time in education and career planning, which may resulting in a slight delay in economic independence and family formation. The slightly delayed economic independence in Japan may be due in part to the fact that the age of adulthood in Japan is 20 years old, compared to 18 years old in other countries, including Mongolia. In Mongolia, it has been about 30 years since the transition from a socialist to a democratic system, and the socioeconomy is still unstable, suggesting that young people tend to enter the labor force early and start families early due to the need for early economic independence. In addition, because of the volatile economic and socio-political situation in Mongolia, the timing of career decisions and professional achievements, i.e., the desire to obtain a high position early in their careers, was indicated. This result supports Yamashita et.al., (1999) and Japan Institute of Labour (1991)'s previous study that applicants for national public service tend to value social recognition, such as being appreciated position and being recognized by others.

Gender Roles and Social Expectations: Women in both countries are pursuing careers and economic independence, but Japanese women face more traditional family expectations that affect their career choices. This reflects the tension between modern career goals and traditional gender roles. Men in Japan are more likely to prioritize their professional lives and women their marital lives. These results strongly reflect the influence of traditional gender roles and economic conditions (Inoue-Smith (2014)).

Future research should include a broader range of cultural contexts and examine the long-term impacts of these differences to better understand how cultural, economic, and social factors shape young people's experiences and expectations globally.

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